Politicians in Europe are more afraid of financial markets than of their own people.
Jokes are an active, living and mobile form of disobedience
a state of permanent crisis, either looming or actual, is normalized. Capitalism is then established as “the only viable political and economic system” to the extent that “it is now impossible even to imagine a coherent alternative to it.”
The joke is an open-source weapon of the public
Jokes, in the past, were considered for what they really are: incredibly dangerous political weapons. The court’s jester was employed by the king, and was free to say whatever he wanted, but unfree to say it to anyone but the king. The jester’s speech was free because the jester was, as a political subject, unfree; his serfdom to the monarch could, depending on one’s angle, be regarded as imprisonment or safe haven.42

The memer is helpless to Facebook

What we do on the internet is mostly “like” things, and while liking them we wait for our own content to be liked. We check our analytics as we await retweets. This is where the cats come in. A cat will not retrieve some dumb object so that you can throw it yet again ... That goes against everything cats stand for. Or more often sit. It’s not just that cats are unable to be anything but real; it’s that cats both know they are performing and couldn’t possibly care less about how their performance is received ... What an internet cat does is thus confront us with how cravenly we ourselves court approval.

God, I love this and feel it’s excessive

Zuckerman contends that it is inherently fruitful to embed messages of political activism within widely popular online platforms, so that subversive content can’t be easily isolated by authoritarians
Politicians in Europe are more afraid of financial markets than of their own people.
Grillo is a merciless populist; but that’s not why he is popular.
The mayor of Reykjavík, Jón Gnarr Kristinsson, is a comedian; his party, the Best Party, became popular by parodying ruling politicians
but they do more or less solve two out of the three criteria that, according to Dawkins, determine a meme’s success: longevity and copying-fidelity. Longevity of a meme in a digital network is in most cases guaranteed; a file may very well never be erased, and exist as long as the server exists that stores it. Then, copy-fidelity is guaranteed if a meme spreads by forwarding and reblogging a digital original.
meme can tap into a collective memory and transform the “outcome” of a commonly held starting point to different ends.
The sentences that are thus part of the image create some kind of strange loop or self-reference; but they also involve tacit knowledge on the part of the viewer.
Memes are not phenomena of language; they are phenomena with language.
Mason contends that “[for] activists, memes create a kind of rough alternative to representative democracy.”
Memes play a distinct role in protest; they seem to be to the resistance of today what “political posters” were to yesterday—the embodiment of shared ideas in a community
Zuckerman contends that it is inherently fruitful to embed messages of political activism within widely popular online platforms, so that subversive content can’t be easily isolated by authoritarians.
A question shapes itself in the early morning hours. Is it possible that graphic design has only one thing left to do, which is posting itself on the internet? And—to go a little bit further—is it possible that jokes have an untapped political power, which was historically always present but never so useful and necessary as now? Could, then, the leftovers of graphic design be turned into jokes? Might—through this re-allegiance—design rediscover actual societal impact? Can jokes scale? Can they supersize?
Jokes are a continuation of politics by other memes.
The troika already has the power of the sword—that is, the police and military protecting the buildings where politicians and the delegates gather to take all the decisions which no one wants.
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