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We left the safe house before sunrise, driving away from the cabin in a small, generic rental car that Seth had managed to obtain for us. After the doomed trip into San Francisco to retrieve Julia, Cathryn had decided that the vehicle they’d used that night was too easily recognized by the Hive.
We were all quiet as Lucas steered us through the early-morning hours; I assumed that each of us was preoccupied with the good-byes that had just happened and with the task that lay ahead. Not to mention, of course . . . time travel. The idea of it was downright trippy, but it was easier and less painful to focus on that than it was to think about how hard it had been to leave Daeglan.
I’d never expected to care about anyone enough to experience a difficult parting. As much as I’d loved Lou, my foster father, and Rosa, his wife, leaving them hadn’t ever been a hardship, because that wasn’t how we rolled. I was stubbornly independent, and I’d started working as a private detective slash fox for hire when I was only eighteen. I knew Lou and Rosa were my home, and that they would be there for me. Even now, I was secure in the knowledge that although Lou had just died, Rosa was still in our New Orleans home, where she’d welcome me back whenever I got there.
Age of Aquarius, Tawdra Kandle
Much progress has been achieved in the last two decades in terms of measuring environmental conditions (through better environmental data, the regular monitoring of indicators and accounting tools), understanding their impacts (e.g., evaluation of related morbidity and mortality, labor productivity, the economic stakes associated with climate change, biodiversity change, damage from disasters) and establishing a right of access to environmental information. A range of environmental indicators can be used to measure human pressure on the environment, the responses from administrations, firms and households to environmental degradation and the actual state of environmental quality.
Research on social connections has traditionally relied on proxy measures, such as the number of individual memberships in associations, or the frequency of activities assumed to result from social connections (e.g., altruistic behavior and voter turn-out). However, it is by now accepted that these are not good measures of social connections, and that reliable measures require surveys of peoples’ behaviors and activities. In recent years, a number of statistical offices (in the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada, Ireland, the Netherlands and, most recently, the United States) have started surveys that measure various forms of social connections. For example, special modules of the labor-force survey in the United States ask people about their civic and political engagement, their membership and voluntary work in various organizations, their relationship with neighbors and family members and how they get information and news. Similar surveys should be implemented elsewhere, based on questions and protocols that allow valid comparisons across countries and over time. Progress should also be made in measuring additional dimensions of social connections (such as trust in others, social isolation, availability of informal support in case of need, engagement in the workplace and in religious activities, friendship across lines of race, religion and social class) by building on the experience accumulated by some countries in these fields.
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